A nation cannot survive without a clear understanding of who it is, where it came from, and what principles define its character.<\/strong> America was founded upon a distinct cultural, spiritual, and constitutional heritage, one shaped by Western civilization, biblical moral tradition, and the belief that free people can govern themselves under God. These foundations produced a nation unlike any other in history, rooted in ordered liberty, personal responsibility, and a shared sense of destiny.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm that national identity is not an accident of geography but the product of a people\u2019s history, values, and institutions.<\/strong> When a nation loses its identity, it loses the cohesion necessary for unity, stability, and self\u2011government. The erosion of America\u2019s cultural foundations has led to confusion, division, and the rise of competing identities that weaken the bonds that once held the nation together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We believe that restoring America\u2019s identity requires honoring its Christian moral heritage, reaffirming the sovereignty of its states and communities, and recognizing the right of distinct peoples to preserve their traditions and govern their own affairs.<\/strong> A nation that forgets its foundations cannot endure; a nation that remembers them can flourish for generations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm that America\u2019s earliest institutions, laws, and civic ideals were shaped by Christian moral teaching and the worldview of Western Christendom.<\/strong> From the first colonial settlements, the people who built this nation understood themselves as part of a Christian civilization. The Mayflower Compact of 1620 declared the colony was founded \u201cfor the glory of God and advancement of the Christian faith.\u201d The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut (1639), often called the first written constitution in the Western world, stated that government exists to \u201cmaintain and preserve the liberty and purity of the Gospel.\u201d Colonial law codes such as the Massachusetts Body of Liberties (1641) grounded civil authority in Scripture and Christian ethics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This understanding carried into the founding era. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787, one of the nation\u2019s foundational laws, declared that \u201creligion, morality, and knowledge\u201d were \u201cnecessary to good government,\u201d with \u201creligion\u201d universally understood at the time to mean Christianity. James Madison wrote that the future of American civilization depended on the people\u2019s ability to govern themselves \u201caccording to the Ten Commandments of God.\u201d John Adams declared that the Constitution was made \u201conly for a moral and religious people,\u201d and George Washington warned in his Farewell Address that national morality could not be sustained without \u201creligious principle.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Early state constitutions reflected this worldview. Several states required Christian oaths of office, funded religious instruction, enforced Sabbath laws, and defined marriage in explicitly Christian terms. While the federal government was not established as a theocracy, the states themselves were overwhelmingly Christian in law, culture, and public life. America\u2019s identity was rooted in the Christian moral order, and understanding this foundation is essential to understanding the principles that shaped the early Republic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm that an honest study of America\u2019s origins must acknowledge the actual citizenship laws, cultural assumptions, and legal frameworks that shaped the early colonies and the young Republic.<\/strong> These laws, whether accepted or rejected today, reveal how early Americans understood national identity and political membership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nearly every colony and early state defined citizenship, voting rights, militia service, and civic participation in explicitly racial terms. The first federal citizenship law, the Naturalization Act of 1790, limited naturalization to \u201cfree white persons\u201d of good character. Many states restricted voting, jury service, and office\u2011holding to white citizens. Anti\u2011miscegenation laws existed in numerous colonies and states from the 1600s onward and persisted in some states until 1967, when the Supreme Court struck them down in Loving v. Virginia<\/em>. The case involved Richard Loving, a white man, and his wife, Mildred, a black woman. These laws, though rejected by many today, demonstrate the legal assumptions and social norms of the era.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Federal immigration policy reflected similar cultural preferences. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 barred immigration from China for decades, marking the first major federal restriction based explicitly on national origin. The Immigration Act of 1924 established national\u2011origin quotas favoring Northern and Western Europe. These statutes show how lawmakers of the time understood national cohesion and cultural continuity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Even debates over slavery reveal the complexity of early American views. Several colonies, including Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia, petitioned the British Crown to restrict or end the importation of enslaved Africans. Their efforts were repeatedly blocked by royal vetoes, most famously in the 1770 instruction forbidding the Governor of Virginia to approve any law that might \u201cin any respect\u201d obstruct the slave trade. Colonial leaders feared that continued importation would destabilize their societies, especially in light of uprisings in the Caribbean and the later catastrophe in St. Domingo (Haiti) where there was a mass genocide of whites. The final Declaration of Independence accused the King of \u201cexciting domestic insurrections amongst us,\u201d reflecting colonial fears that British interference threatened to ignite rebellion within their own borders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These<\/strong> historical laws and documents provide evidence of the norms that shaped the early Republic.<\/strong> Understanding these laws is essential to grasp America\u2019s origins.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm that the United States emerged from the broader tradition of Western Christian Civilization<\/strong>. This heritage provided the philosophical, legal, and cultural foundations upon which the American Republic was built. The Founders saw themselves not as inventors of a new civilization, but as heirs to an ancient one.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Christianity supplied the moral vocabulary of the early Republic: the belief in human dignity, the concept of moral law, the idea that rights come from God rather than the state, and the expectation that a free people must be a virtuous people. From Greece came the ideals of reason, civic virtue, and republican self\u2011government. From Rome came written law, citizenship, checks and balances, and the concept of the rule of law. From Europe came English common law, Magna Carta, the English Bill of Rights, and the Protestant political tradition that shaped American ideas of liberty, representation, and limited government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Treaty of Tripoli (1797) is often cited in modern debates, particularly Article 11, which states that \u201cthe Government of the United States is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion.\u201d But this line must be understood in its historical context. It was a diplomatic assurance to the Muslim Barbary States that the United States was not a European Christian empire engaged in religious war. It referred specifically to the federal government<\/em>, which was intentionally not a theocracy, and did not deny the overwhelmingly Christian character of the states or the civilization from which America emerged.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Barbary Wars themselves reveal how the early United States understood its place in the world. The Barbary States\u2014Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco\u2014were Muslim powers that raided European and American ships, enslaved thousands of sailors, and demanded tribute. In their diplomatic language, \u201cChristian\u201d meant Western, European, or white, a racial category, not merely a religious one. American diplomats referred to themselves as \u201cChristians\u201d in this same civilizational sense. The conflict was not theological; it was racial. But it reinforced the understanding that the United States belonged to the Western Christian world (white), distinct from the Islamic powers of North Africa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n America\u2019s institutions cannot be understood apart from this heritage.<\/strong> The Founders saw themselves as preserving ancient liberties, applying Christian moral law, and refining European political tradition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm that the United States is no longer the culturally uniform nation it once was, and that the realities of modern society require a renewed commitment to local self\u2011governance.<\/strong> While some groups advocate for voluntary repatriation or cultural separation, we also recognize that many communities, of every background, have lived in America for generations and have established deep historical, cultural, and regional roots. These communities cannot simply be erased or ignored. The trend toward cultural balkanization is not a theory; it is a visible social reality, shaped by identity, history, and the natural human tendency to form bonds with those who share common traditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Identity politics, though often criticized, reflects a deeper truth: people naturally identify with their cultural, ethnic, and historical communities.<\/strong> This is not unique to any one group. It is a universal human pattern seen across civilizations. In a nation as large and diverse as the United States, it is unrealistic to expect a single national culture to satisfy the needs, values, and aspirations of every community. Localism offers a peaceful and practical framework for navigating these differences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Localism allows communities to govern themselves according to their own values, histories, and priorities.<\/strong> Under a decentralized model, states may delegate authority to counties, towns, and local districts, enabling communities to shape policies that reflect their unique character. This includes decisions about education, cultural preservation, land use, public safety, and community standards. Localism empowers communities to maintain their traditions without imposing them on others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Local control also supports cultural preservation.<\/strong> Communities with shared heritage, whether defined by religion, language, history, or tradition, can maintain their institutions, schools, and cultural practices without interference from distant bureaucracies. This model benefits all groups, including long\u2011established communities that wish to preserve their way of life. It also provides space for minority communities who seek self\u2011governance within the broader national framework.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Localism strengthens civic engagement.<\/strong> Smaller governance units encourage participation, accountability, and a sense of ownership. People are more likely to invest in the well\u2011being of their community when they have a direct voice in shaping its future. This model reduces the alienation felt when national policies override local values.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Localism also provides a lawful and peaceful alternative to forced cultural uniformity.<\/strong> In a pluralized nation, one\u2011size\u2011fits\u2011all federal mandates often create conflict by imposing a single standard on communities with vastly different beliefs. Local governance allows communities to coexist without requiring them to abandon their identities or conform to a centralized ideology.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This approach is grounded in the American federalist tradition.<\/strong> The Constitution reserves to the states, and by extension, to local communities, all powers not explicitly delegated to the federal government. Localism is not a new idea; it is a return to the original structure of American governance, where communities were free to order their own affairs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We acknowledge that localism is not a permanent solution to every cultural or demographic challenge.<\/strong> The long\u2011term future of the nation rests in God\u2019s hands. But localism provides a practical, peaceful, and constitutional framework for communities seeking stability, continuity, and self\u2011determination in an era of increasing cultural fragmentation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Our aim is to promote a model of governance that respects community identity, reduces conflict, and allows diverse groups to flourish without coercion or forced assimilation.<\/strong> Localism offers a platform upon which communities can preserve their heritage, strengthen their families, and build a future consistent with their values, while maintaining peace and mutual respect within the broader nation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We affirm the original constitutional principle that the several states are sovereign entities, joined in a voluntary union, and endowed with the authority to govern themselves according to the will of their own people.<\/strong> The Tenth Amendment clearly states that powers not delegated to the federal government are reserved to the states or to the people. This balance of authority was designed to prevent tyranny, preserve liberty, and allow diverse communities to live according to their own values and traditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Founders understood that a distant central government could never adequately reflect the convictions, customs, or needs of every region.<\/strong> Thomas Jefferson warned that consolidation of power in the federal government would lead to despotism, while James Madison affirmed that the states serve as \u201claboratories of democracy,\u201d each free to pursue its own path within constitutional bounds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Throughout American history, states\u2019 rights have been invoked by many different peoples seeking self\u2011determination.<\/strong> From New England\u2019s resistance to federal overreach during the War of 1812, to Western states asserting control over land and resources, to cultural and political movements across the nation, the desire for local self\u2011rule has been a constant theme. The principle is universal: communities govern themselves best when they are closest to the people they serve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Scripture also affirms the legitimacy of distinct nations and jurisdictions.<\/strong> Deuteronomy 32:8 declares that God \u201cset the bounds of the people,\u201d recognizing that different communities have the right to order their own affairs. The biblical model of governance emphasizes local authority, elders at the gates, and accountability within one\u2019s own community, not distant rulers imposing uniformity on all.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Judicial Activism and the Abuse of the Commerce Clause<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n We further recognize that much of the erosion of states\u2019 rights has come not through legislation, but through judicial activism.<\/strong> Over the past century, federal courts have repeatedly expanded the meaning of the Commerce Clause far beyond its original intent. What was meant to regulate trade \u201camong the several states\u201d has been stretched to justify federal intrusion into nearly every aspect of life; education, agriculture, family policy, criminal law, and even local moral standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This distortion of constitutional language has allowed the federal government to override state authority and impose uniform social policies on communities that never consented to them.<\/strong> Cases such as Wickard v. Filburn<\/em> (1942) and later rulings opened the door for Washington to regulate activities that are neither interstate nor commerce, effectively nullifying the Tenth Amendment in practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Such judicial overreach undermines the very structure of the Republic.<\/strong> When courts reinterpret the Constitution to expand federal power, they do what the Founders explicitly warned against: they place the will of unelected judges above the rights of the states and the people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We therefore support a renewed commitment to states\u2019 rights, allowing each state to enact laws that reflect the moral convictions, cultural traditions, and social priorities of its own citizens.<\/strong> This includes the right to determine policies on education, public safety, taxation, land use, and social order without undue interference from Washington, D.C.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A strong union does not require uniformity; it requires mutual respect among sovereign states.<\/strong> When states are free to govern themselves, citizens can choose to live in communities that reflect their values, and the nation as a whole becomes more stable, peaceful, and prosperous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Our position is rooted in constitutional fidelity, historical precedent, and the biblical recognition of distinct communities governing themselves.<\/strong> A nation that honors states\u2019 rights honors the freedom of its people and preserves the balance of power essential to liberty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" We Believe: A nation cannot survive without a clear understanding of who it is, where it came from, and what 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1: America\u2019s Christian Foundations<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Plank 2: America\u2019s Founding Cultural and Legal Identity<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Plank 3: America and the Legacy of Western Christian Civilization<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Plank 4: Localism: A Way Forward<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Plank 5: Restore States\u2019 Rights and Constitutional Self\u2011Government<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Our Position<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n